The author is co-director of the Global Business Journalism Program at Tsinghua University and former president of the U.S. National Press Club
P olling organization Gallup's Rating World Leaders: 2019 poll on global leadership provided a sobering message to U.S. citizens accustomed to widespread respect. The median rating for U.S. global leadership in more than 130 nations stood at 31 percent, 3 percentage points behind China and just 1 percentage point above Russia.
1.观察组和对照组患者治疗依从性比较：观察组138例CP患者中治疗依从性良好137例，良好率99.3%；对照组CP患者治疗依从性良好116例，良好率84.1%。观察组CP患者治疗依从性显著优于对照组，差异有统计学意义(P<0.05)。
The U.S.'s reputation for global leadership has plummeted by 17 percentage points since Donald Trump assumed the presidency two years ago, according to Gallup,while China's standing has edged up by 5 percentage points since Xi Jinping was elected top leader of the Communist Party of China in 2012.
Today, the world's two largest economies are engaged in a series of competitions around the world, from innovation in 21st-century technologies to the projection of soft power.The U.S. and China, branded a “strategic competitor” by the U.S. State Department in December 2017, are pursuing their own visions of global bridge building, both figuratively and literally.
Political commentators and academics have offered strong opinions about the divergent approaches of China and the U.S., but rarely are these opinions combined with a systematic methodology to analyze today's rapid changes in global leadership.
综上所述，在抑制HeLa细胞中的GRIM-19基因表达后，细胞的存活及抗凋亡作用能力显著降低，提示GRIM-19基因对肿瘤细胞起到了保护作用。深入研究GRIM-19基因在子宫颈癌中的表达和意义将会为今后的临床治疗和防治提供重要的理论基础。
Power of moral authority
A major difference between Yan's paradigm and the work of most European and U.S. scholars lies in its historical underpinnings. Yan not only cites examples from Western civilization, but relies on relevant comparisons through thousands of years of Chinese history, too. Not only do we hear from Greek, Roman and German philosophers, we also get the perspectives of Chinese philosophers, ancient and modern.
Yan's thesis is relevant on two tracks. It explains today's world and the evolving world of the next decade, and it creates a durable analytical methodology for studying power in international relations.
式中 A为过水断面面积；t为时间坐标；Q为流量；x为距离坐标；q为旁侧入流量；g为重力加速度；h为水位；C为谢才系数；R为水力半径。
Yan sees global power as a zero-sum game.If one nation is rising, its increased influence must come at the expense of another power. No dominant nation can avoid eventual decline, whether it is the Qin Dynasty(221-206 B.C.) in China or the British Empire of Victorian times. At the close of the 20th century, the U.S. filled the vacuum caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union, only to see its unipolar dominance diminish as China increased its economic strength and international ties.
U.S. leadership has veered from style to style in the past three decades. These styles, Yan writes, range from the conservative power projection of George H. W.Bush and Barack Obama to the proactive multilateralism of Bill Clinton, the aggressive interventionism of George W. Bush and the“anti-establishmentarian” aggressiveness of Trump.
This book stands in sharp contrast to Harvard professor Graham Allison's historical concept of the Thucydides trap,where the leading world power and a rising challenger inevitably careen toward military conflict. Yan's analysis is rooted in moral authority, not military confrontation. He posits a “moral-realist theory”that attributes the rise and fall of great nations to the authority they project, not the absolute power they possess.
Yan Xuetong, Dean of the Institute of International Relations at Tsinghua University and one of China's leading political scientists,presents a thorough and thought-provoking framework to analyze global power in the era of a rising China. His new book, Leadership and the Rise of Great Powers, analyzes the upward trajectory of China amid three decades of inconstant U.S. efforts. It is a powerful intellectual treatise worthy of serious international debate.
Yan Xuetong, Dean of the Institute of International Relations at Tsinghua University, discusses his book Leadership and the Rise of Great Powers at the university
In Yan's view, China benefits from its “ef ficiency of state leadership.” (Western critics would call it unchecked central authority.)But he says China's domestic political system cannot be replicated around the world because “Chinese communist leadership” is fundamental to the model, and the Chinese Government resolutely insists on the right of nations to determine their own political models. To succeed, China must project a moral-realist philosophy of “humane authority” rather than the class struggle philosophy espoused by Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin and Mao Zedong.
What comes next? Yan sees “a kaleidoscopic competition between various ideologies in different international forums.”Some predictions include: “The Middle East may be ravaged by the rivalry between Shias and Sunnis; Western countries, mainly European states, may bruise in the battle between liberalism and populism; Latin American countries may fall into intensified conflict over socialism and capitalism;many developing countries may suffer in the struggle between statism and civicism;communist countries may face contention between communism and economic pragmatism; and theocratic states may experience the tension between religion and secularism in the fight for political power.”
In Yan's model, China cannot challenge the U.S.'s power around the world,whether military or economic, but it can dislodge the U.S. as the world's leading power through its own increased moral authority or the U.S.'s moral decline. While economic competition will remain fierce, Yan believes there is “only a very slight risk” of a “direct war” in the next decade.
Yan strongly believes that the early years of the 21st century marked the decline of the liberal world order that has dominated global affairs since the end of the Cold War.“There is little hope for liberalism to survive the current challenges from nonliberalist ideologies and resume its dominance as a global influence as long as Trump's administration continues undermining the U.S.'s international reputation and leadership, and fails to grow the U.S.'s capability faster than China's,” he writes.
Moreover, Yan does not limit his quotations to Chinese thinkers of the distant past. He liberally includes the analysis of modern Chinese intellectuals.The result is a book that is fresh and provocative. Whether you agree with Yan's conclusions or not, he bases them on comprehensive historical analysis tempered by contemporary events.
Geopolitical shifts
Amid the rise of China, Yan argues persuasively that the world's geopolitical center is shifting from the declining continent of Europe to the rising region of East Asia. In the absence of a hegemonic duopoly—dubbed “Chimerica” by one analyst—the world will increasingly be fractured. We are living in an “era without a dominant ideology” in “a world without mainstream values,”Yan writes.
The mathematical formula shared by Yan is this: CC = (M+E+C)(P). In simple English, he is saying that a nation's “comprehensive capability” to project power is equal to its military, economic and cultural power,multiplied by its political capability. Harvard University political scientist Joseph S. Nye calls this “smart power,” and Yan believes this capability can offset much of the firepower of transcontinental military alliances and intercontinental missiles.
For this reviewer, a patriotic U.S. citizen, it is difficult to read and painful to acknowledge the nation's relative decline in the past two decades and the undeniable global backlash against Trumpism. If a reader accepts the idea that global power is a zero-sum game,the rise of China inevitably comes at the expense of the U.S.
2007年9月国家主席胡锦涛在亚太经合组织第15次领导人非正式会议上明确主张“发展低碳经济”，并提出4项建议应对全球气候变化；2009年8月国务院研究制订了《关于发展低碳经济的指导意见》；2009年11月，国务院总理温家宝主持召开国务院常务会议，会议决定，到2020年我国单位国内生产总值二氧化碳排放比2005年下降40%～45%的指标。而针对低碳经济的重要组成部分低碳农业的发展，各地政府因地制宜地积极出台相关政策，积极探索各具特色的农业发展模式，降低碳排放，发展循环低碳农业[5]。
This reviewer is less certain of the inevitability of U.S. decline. A decade ago, the U.S. rebounded from significant setbacks to its international reputation that took place during the presidency of George W. Bush, including the disastrous occupation of Iraq, an endless war in Afghanistan, the Wall Street meltdown in 2007 and 2008 that provoked a global financial crisis, and the utopian vision of transplanting U.S.-style democracy in the Middle East and Africa.
During Obama's presidency, the U.S.was the most widely respected world leader by a large margin, according to Gallup polling.
We will not know whether the collapse of U.S. moral authority during the Trump years is a temporary aberration or an irreversible decline until a new U.S. president replaces today's controversial leader. U.S. leadership has proven durable over the past century,despite shifting leadership styles and accusations of hypocrisy.
称取不同重量的30%HNO3改性活性炭5份（0.04、0.06、0.08、0.10、0.12g） 和不同重量的无改性活性炭 5 份（0.04、0.06、0.08、0.10、0.12g）于 10 个具塞锥形瓶中，分别加入150mL 10.0 mg·L-1 DBP溶液，将锥形瓶置于30℃、150 r·min-1条件下的气浴恒温振荡器内振荡12h。DBP去除率见图2。
Yes, China is rising and the U.S. and Europe are in relative decline. However, the future is not pre-ordained. Citizens of the world must remain curious about where we are heading, and should absorb as many smart theories as possible from varied perspectives. Leadership and the Rise of Great Powers provides us with a broader and deeper understanding of our world.
关税制度变迁的目的是为西方资产阶级利益服务。鸦片战争前，以英国为代表的西方列强多次向清政府表达扩大通商的愿望，均遭到清政府的拒绝。由于清政府对国际贸易实施管制及中国自然经济根深蒂固，使英国在中国取得的贸易利益极为有限。为攫取贸易利益，西方侵略者竟将鸦片偷偷运入中国，致使中国白银大量外流，威胁清政府统治，从而引发“禁烟运动”。英国以此为借口，发动鸦片战争。自此，形成了“西方提出不合理要求→清政府拒绝→列强发动战争→清政府战败被迫满足其条件→再提出要求→再拒绝……”的循环，随着一次次的战败，清政府被迫签订一系列不平等条约，关税制度也随着不平等条约的签订而不断变迁。
Copyedited by Sudeshna Sarkar
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